In Tamil Nadu, elections are rarely decided by party arithmetic alone. Across regions, dominant caste blocs — Vanniyars in the north, Gounders in the west, Thevars in the south, and Dalit and Nadar communities in key pockets — continue to shape alliances, candidate selection, and often the final outcome.
Vanniyars are concentrated in northern districts such as Viluppuram, Dharmapuri, Krishnagiri, Salem, Cuddalore, and Vellore. The influential OBC community rose to political prominence after the Vanniyar Sangam, led by S Ramadoss, spearheaded violent protests that preceded the introduction of a 20% quota for Most Backward Classes in 1989 by the M Karunanidhi government.
Since then, the community has largely backed the PMK, founded by Ramadoss and now under the disputed control of his son, Anbumani Ramadoss. However, sizeable sections of Vanniyars have also aligned with the DMK and ADMK. This time, Anbumani’s PMK faction, part of the NDA, is contesting 18 seats, while Ramadoss senior has fielded candidates in 35 seats, mostly in the northern belt.
Ahead of the 2021 Assembly elections, the ADMK government introduced a 10.5% internal quota for Vanniyars, but the Supreme Court struck it down. The incoming DMK government took a cautious stance, maintaining that only the Centre has the legal authority to conduct a caste census.
The DMK government includes three senior ministers from the community. “Both DMK and ADMK allot more seats to vanniyars, which shows the community’s significance,” says Vanniyar Federation founder-president C N Ramamurthy. The DMK also received a boost recently when Guru Viruthambigai, daughter of the late PMK leader Guru, met Chief Minister M K Stalin to extend support.
If Vanniyars dominate the north, Gounders continue to wield influence in western Tamil Nadu, particularly in Coimbatore, Erode, and Salem districts. Large sections of the community back leaders such as ADMK general secretary Edappadi K Palaniswami and former ministers S P Velumani and P Thangamani. K A Sengottaiyan, another veteran leader, has crossed over to Vijay’s TVK.
In the 2021 Assembly elections, the western belt remained the ADMK’s stronghold, where it won 29 of 48 seats. This time, Stalin has assigned responsibility for the region to former minister V Senthilbalaji. “DMK candidates will win in several constituencies in the western region and we will form the next govt,” Senthilbalaji told TOI.
In southern Tamil Nadu, Thevar influence remains strong in districts such as Ramanathapuram, Sivaganga, Virudhunagar, Theni, and Madurai. The Mukkulathor grouping — comprising the Kallar, Maravar, and Agamudaiyar communities — has long been considered a key support base of the ADMK, particularly during the tenures of M G Ramachandran and J Jayalalithaa.
However, that base has shown signs of strain. Sections of the community were reportedly upset over perceived slights by Palaniswami, who expelled three prominent leaders associated with the group — AMMK chief T T V Dhinakaran, former chief minister O Panneerselvam, and Jayalalithaa aide V K Sasikala. In 2021, the ADMK won just 16 of 58 seats in the south, while the DMK and Congress secured 33 and eight seats respectively.
Panneerselvam has since joined the DMK. Sasikala has launched the All India Puratchi Thalaivar Makkal Munnetra Kazhagam and fielded 77 candidates with the stated aim of defeating ADMK nominees. Her campaign is centred on the theme of “Palaniswami the betrayer”.
Dalits remain another crucial electoral bloc, with their population ranging from 15% to 34% in many districts, except Kanyakumari where their numbers are relatively lower. Scheduled Castes such as Paraiyar, Pallar, and Arunthathiyar continue to carry significant political weight.
The DMK ally VCK, led by Thol Thirumavalavan, remains a prominent voice among Dalit voters, particularly within the Paraiyar community in the north.
Among Pallar leaders, S Krishnasamy of Puthiya Tamilagam is contesting independently in 60 seats after alliance talks with the ADMK failed. In the NDA camp, John Pandian, who heads a Dalit outfit, has been fielded from Rajapalayam on the BJP’s lotus symbol. Vijay’s TVK and Seeman’s NTK have also made some inroads into Dalit vote banks.
In several southern pockets, electoral outcomes also hinge on the Nadars, an economically influential community in districts such as Tirunelveli, Tenkasi, Thoothukudi, Virudhunagar, and Kanyakumari. Historically, the community aligned with the Congress, largely due to former chief minister K Kamaraj, a Nadar, who played a key role in enabling reservation for backward classes through the First Amendment to the Constitution.
Following Jayalalithaa’s death, the ADMK lost much of its Nadar support due to the leadership’s perceived tilt towards Gounders and Vanniyars. The DMK has since made gains in this space, with Kanimozhi Karunanidhi, the party’s MP from Thoothukudi, focusing significant attention on the region. BJP leaders Tamilisai Soundararajan and Pon Radhakrishnan are also among prominent faces from the community.
Vanniyars are concentrated in northern districts such as Viluppuram, Dharmapuri, Krishnagiri, Salem, Cuddalore, and Vellore. The influential OBC community rose to political prominence after the Vanniyar Sangam, led by S Ramadoss, spearheaded violent protests that preceded the introduction of a 20% quota for Most Backward Classes in 1989 by the M Karunanidhi government.
Since then, the community has largely backed the PMK, founded by Ramadoss and now under the disputed control of his son, Anbumani Ramadoss. However, sizeable sections of Vanniyars have also aligned with the DMK and ADMK. This time, Anbumani’s PMK faction, part of the NDA, is contesting 18 seats, while Ramadoss senior has fielded candidates in 35 seats, mostly in the northern belt.
Ahead of the 2021 Assembly elections, the ADMK government introduced a 10.5% internal quota for Vanniyars, but the Supreme Court struck it down. The incoming DMK government took a cautious stance, maintaining that only the Centre has the legal authority to conduct a caste census.
The DMK government includes three senior ministers from the community. “Both DMK and ADMK allot more seats to vanniyars, which shows the community’s significance,” says Vanniyar Federation founder-president C N Ramamurthy. The DMK also received a boost recently when Guru Viruthambigai, daughter of the late PMK leader Guru, met Chief Minister M K Stalin to extend support.
If Vanniyars dominate the north, Gounders continue to wield influence in western Tamil Nadu, particularly in Coimbatore, Erode, and Salem districts. Large sections of the community back leaders such as ADMK general secretary Edappadi K Palaniswami and former ministers S P Velumani and P Thangamani. K A Sengottaiyan, another veteran leader, has crossed over to Vijay’s TVK.
In the 2021 Assembly elections, the western belt remained the ADMK’s stronghold, where it won 29 of 48 seats. This time, Stalin has assigned responsibility for the region to former minister V Senthilbalaji. “DMK candidates will win in several constituencies in the western region and we will form the next govt,” Senthilbalaji told TOI.
In southern Tamil Nadu, Thevar influence remains strong in districts such as Ramanathapuram, Sivaganga, Virudhunagar, Theni, and Madurai. The Mukkulathor grouping — comprising the Kallar, Maravar, and Agamudaiyar communities — has long been considered a key support base of the ADMK, particularly during the tenures of M G Ramachandran and J Jayalalithaa.
However, that base has shown signs of strain. Sections of the community were reportedly upset over perceived slights by Palaniswami, who expelled three prominent leaders associated with the group — AMMK chief T T V Dhinakaran, former chief minister O Panneerselvam, and Jayalalithaa aide V K Sasikala. In 2021, the ADMK won just 16 of 58 seats in the south, while the DMK and Congress secured 33 and eight seats respectively.
Panneerselvam has since joined the DMK. Sasikala has launched the All India Puratchi Thalaivar Makkal Munnetra Kazhagam and fielded 77 candidates with the stated aim of defeating ADMK nominees. Her campaign is centred on the theme of “Palaniswami the betrayer”.
Dalits remain another crucial electoral bloc, with their population ranging from 15% to 34% in many districts, except Kanyakumari where their numbers are relatively lower. Scheduled Castes such as Paraiyar, Pallar, and Arunthathiyar continue to carry significant political weight.
The DMK ally VCK, led by Thol Thirumavalavan, remains a prominent voice among Dalit voters, particularly within the Paraiyar community in the north.
Among Pallar leaders, S Krishnasamy of Puthiya Tamilagam is contesting independently in 60 seats after alliance talks with the ADMK failed. In the NDA camp, John Pandian, who heads a Dalit outfit, has been fielded from Rajapalayam on the BJP’s lotus symbol. Vijay’s TVK and Seeman’s NTK have also made some inroads into Dalit vote banks.
In several southern pockets, electoral outcomes also hinge on the Nadars, an economically influential community in districts such as Tirunelveli, Tenkasi, Thoothukudi, Virudhunagar, and Kanyakumari. Historically, the community aligned with the Congress, largely due to former chief minister K Kamaraj, a Nadar, who played a key role in enabling reservation for backward classes through the First Amendment to the Constitution.
Following Jayalalithaa’s death, the ADMK lost much of its Nadar support due to the leadership’s perceived tilt towards Gounders and Vanniyars. The DMK has since made gains in this space, with Kanimozhi Karunanidhi, the party’s MP from Thoothukudi, focusing significant attention on the region. BJP leaders Tamilisai Soundararajan and Pon Radhakrishnan are also among prominent faces from the community.
